Liberals might be scratching their heads over why potential Donald Trump rivals are rushing to denounce his indictment. The reason is simple. Conservative Republicans know that if this assault is allowed to stand, they will be next.
The left, as well as the rabble of never-Trump Republicans, like to tell everybody that the unprecedented measures taken against Trump – culminating with this week’s indictment – are justified because he poses a unique threat to our precious democracy.
Just to review, we’re talking about measures like Democrats impeaching him twice on the flimsiest of grounds. Like federal law enforcement engaging in a coordinated campaign to smear him as a Russian stooge. Like journalists dropping any shred of objectivity and professionalism to attack Trump, up to and including peddling obvious falsehoods.
Measures like Big Tech companies signing on as paid censors of the federal government to stamp out “misinformation.” Like national security “experts” selling lies about Hunter Biden’s laptop. Like raiding Trump’s home.
But the lie at the center of all this is that Trump is a special case that justifies such previously unimaginable antics.
Trump is a test case.
For years the left has been honing its skills at intimidation, manipulation, deception, and election fraud, all to silence and marginalize anyone who isn’t on board with its agenda.
When we were at Investor’s Business Daily, we reminded readers of how the left treated the now-sainted George W. Bush when he was in a position of power.
Jonathan Chait wrote a 3,600-word word piece for the New Republic in 2003 on ‘the case for Bush hatred.’ In it, he admitted that ‘I have friends who … describe his existence as a constant oppressive force in their daily psyche.’ Nobel Peace Prize winner Betty Williams gave a speech at a women’s peace conference in Dallas in 2007 declaring that ‘right now, I could kill George Bush.’ The audience laughed, and she won praise for her ‘bravery.’
Pollster Geoff Garin told The New York Times that Bush hatred was ‘as strong as anything I’ve experienced in 25 years now of polling.’ The winning film at a 2006 Toronto film festival was a movie — Death of a President — that realistically depicted Bush’s assassination.
Unlike Bush, Trump refused to bend to the left’s whims, and he was better than most politicians at giving a voice to those who’ve long been victimized by the false promises of the elites.
Trump’s bigger-than-life personality and his obvious character flaws gave the left the chance to see just how far it could push the edge of the envelope. What it learned is that there is no edge. There’s been no pushback to any of its depravations in polite society.
That is why as soon as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis started appearing as a possible new threat to the left’s established order, it immediately pointed its weapons at him. And so we started seeing headlines such as:
- “Who’s more dangerous — Trump or DeSantis?”
- “A Comprehensive Guide to Why a Ron DeSantis Presidency Would Be as Terrifying as a Trump One”
- “DeSantis is a ‘very dangerous individual’ an expert on fascism argues”
- “Believe It: A DeSantis Presidency Could Be Even Worse Than Trump”
- “Branding expert explains why Ron DeSantis is way scarier than Donald Trump”
The truth of the matter is that If Mister Rogers ran as an unapologetic conservative today, he’d be treated with the same level of disdain as Trump. That’s a point that cannot be emphasized often enough. Anyone who thinks that these types of attacks will go away once Trump does is delusional.
The left has now perfected its plans and strategies for multi-year, wide-ranging, never-ending attacks on the political opposition. It won’t ever stop until it is made to stop.
— Written by the I&I Editorial Board